Major Powers and the Quest for Status in International Politics by Renato Corbetta Thomas J. Volgy

Major Powers and the Quest for Status in International Politics by Renato Corbetta Thomas J. Volgy

Author:Renato Corbetta Thomas J. Volgy [Thomas J. Volgy, Renato Corbetta, Keith A. Grant & Ryan G. Baird]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
Published: 2010-12-31T16:00:00+00:00


Japan’s Target–Setting Process

A struggle between “constraints”, often linked with domestic interests, and “willingness” can typically be seen in the mid-term target setting debate, which is centered on post-2012 politics. Constraints on the pursuit of status, at least in Japan’s case, may be based not only on alliance relationships externally, but as well through constraints imposed internally between competing bureaucratic structures, whose goals are not necessarily about increasing status for the state.

Traditionally, there have been two conflicting views within the Japanese government on the issue of climate change—views formulated and represented by different ministries, namely, the powerful Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) and the Ministry of Environment (MOE) (e.g., Takeuchi 1998; Kawashima 2000; Fisher 2004; Oshitani 2006). When it comes to international policy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) coordinates the country’s international position on climate change. The Global Warming Prevention Headquarters was established in 1998, headed by the prime minister, and is mandated to coordinate policy measures among relevant ministries and government agencies (MOE 1998). However, the headquarters has not yet been able to exert sufficient leadership in coordinating between the different ministries in order to reach a common, consolidated climate policy position (Fisher 2004; Kameyama 2008).

METI has a history of contributing to the economic growth of Japan after the Second World War, increasing its power within the bureaucracy. This ministry has a strong connection with industry, in particular with a comprehensive umbrella organization called Keidanren (Japan Business Federation). METI’s concerns and interests on the climate issue revolve around ensuring the competitiveness of Japanese industry, because climate change policy, inherently linked with energy policy, changes the prices of export goods in relation to those of other economic partners, such as the United States and China.

The MOE, on the other hand, has a rather short history. Established in 1971 as an agency, it was upgraded to a ministry only in 2001. Although the MOE is responsible for coordinating environmental affairs, it is rather weak compared to other ministries due to its relatively limited financial and human resources. This makes it difficult for the MOE to effectively coordinate government deliberations on environmental issues, especially when it comes to an interlinked issue with great political importance such as energy.

In 2009, the Cabinet Office of the Japanese government launched a process to investigate Japan’s possible midterm GHG emissions reduction target for 2020 as part of preparations for the Copenhagen negotiations in order to exert international leadership.14 It set up a committee for scientific study on the equal mitigation potential of major powers (major economic competitors of Japan), which was evaluated in terms of marginal abatement cost (MAC).15 Calculations were made by emulating domestic emissions reduction potential, provided that the same cost would be spent for mitigation actions in each country. The calculation was made by a few research institutes, one associated with the MOE and two with METI. Guided by the Cabinet Office, six options were presented in the end (Figure 6.1).



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